Pandatsang Rapga

Pandatsang Rapga (born c. 1900) was a Khamba revolutionary during the first half of the 20th century in Tibet. He was pro-Kuomintang and pro-Republic of China, anti-feudal and fought against the 13th Dalai Lama. He believed in overthrowing the Dalai Lama's feudal regime and driving British imperialism out of Tibet, and acted on behalf of Chiang Kai-shek in countering the Dalai Lama.

Contents

Background

He belonged to a branch of the large Pandatsang clan, who hailed from Kham. Pandatsang means "House of Pangda" in Kham.[1] The Pandatsang were an extremely rich Khampa trading family with enormous influence in Kham. The family leader was Nyigyal. The family's servants were known to often boast "Sa spang mda' gnam spang mda'", meaning "The earth is Pangda's, the sky is Pangda's", and "I am connected to Pangda, what are you going to do to me?" They were behind the rebellion against Lhasa in 1934 and the Tibet Improvement Party.[2]

Rapga was the brother of Pandastang Togbye, who was a great friend of Thubten Kunphela who also came from Kham. Partly out of anger over the collapse of Kunphela after the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thubten Gyatso, Togbye organized a revolt in 1934 against the Tibetan government within areas they controlled in the western part of Kham, roughly one third of the entire Kham region. His brother had military control while Rapga was more of a "scholar". They aimed to ultimately attack Lhasa, and were required to take Chamdo first.[3]

He did so in the belief that many monks from Kham originating in the large monasteries near Lhasa would support him in this. The Tibetan government knew that the rebellion originated from within Kham. The residence of his family in Lhasa was confiscated, but ultimately negotiations ensued. The reason was that the family was the main exporter of Tibetan wool abroad, and any further incident could affect government funds. As a result of the outcome of the negotiations, the members of the family did not persecute the rebellion further.

In India

In 1935 Pandatsang Rapga left to India. Some time later, he went to Chongqing, which served as the wartime capital for the Kuomintang Republic of China government during the Second Sino-Japanese War, where he joined the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission of the Republic of China government. In 1939 he left again to return to Kalimpong in India.

The Tibet Improvement Party

In 1939 he eventually founded the Tibet Improvement Party in Kalimpong. Gendün Chöpel, the exiled Thubten Kunphela, and the poet Canlocen joined as members of the party. The party considered the then government of Tibet as entirely outdated, religious and feudal, and sought a more modern, secular government which would pay attention to improving infrastructure, such as the introduction of more advanced technology, better education, and a modern standing army. The ultimate goal of the party regarding the future of Tibet was that Tibet would become an autonomous republic within the Republic of China.[4]

Pandatsang Rapga was strongly influenced by the ideas of Sun Yat-sen, especially his Three Principles of the People doctrine. He believed that change in Tibet would only be possible in a manner similar to when the Qing Dynasty was overthrown in China. He borrowed the theories and ideas of the Kuomintang as the basis for his model for Tibet. The party was funded by the Kuomintang and by the Pandatsang family.

Pandatsang hailed the Three Principles of Dr. Sun for helping Asian peoples against foreign imperialism and called for the feudal system to be overthrown. Rapga stated that "The Sanmin Zhuyi was intended for all peoples under the domination of foreigners, for all those who had been deprived of the rights of man. But it was conceived especially for the Asians. It is for this reason that I translated it. At that time, a lot of new ideas were spreading in Tibet", during an interview in 1975 by Dr. Heather Stoddard.[5]

The party had some tensions regarding financing. A section of Pandatsang's family saw the party as an instrument to create an independent Kham state equally independent of both China and the Dalai Lama's Tibet.

The activities of the party were eventually noticed by the British. That led to the Tibetan government becoming aware of the existence of the party and in particular, Pandatsang Rapga. The Tibetans demanded that he be extradited to Tibet, however, it was not possible, due to Rapga possessing a Chinese passport. In 1947, British India expelled him to Shanghai.

Return to Kham

In 1950, Rapga travelled to Chamdo, which is located on the border between the part of Kham controlled by the Tibetan government, and the part which was independent of their control.[6][7] The People's Liberation Army had occupied Kham without much opposition from the Khampas. The relationship between the Khampa and the Tibetan Dalai Lama government in Lhasa was extremely poor at the time. Rapga offered the governor of Chamdo, Ngabo Ngawang Jigme, some Khampa fighters in exchange for the Tibetan government recognizing the independence of Kham. Ngabo refused the offer.

After the defeat of the Tibetan Army in Chamdo, Rapga started mediating in negotiations between the People's Liberation Army and the Tibetans. Rapga and Topgay engaged in negotiations with the Chinese during their assault on Chamdo. Khampas either defected to the Chinese PLA forces or did not fight at all. The PLA succeeded in the invasion.[8]

Rapga participated in raising Khampa rebels to fight against the Communists during the 1959 Tibetan Rebellion. Rapga continued to cooperate with the Republic of China Kuomintang government after it fled to Taiwan, who had also provided training to Khampa rebels against the Communist PLA forces.[9][10] Rapga claimed to have 100,000 troops under his control.[11]

The Republic of China on Taiwan had a dispute with the United States as to whether Tibet would be independent, since the ROC government claimed Tibet as part of its territory. Rapga agreed to a plan in which the revolt against the Communists would include anti-feudalism, land reform, a modern government, and to give power to the people.[12] As late as the 1970's, Rapga believed that Sun Yat-sen's three principles were the best hope for Asian peoples against feudalism and foreign imperialism.

References

  1. ^ Lawrence Epstein, ed (2002). Khams pa histories: visions of people, place and authority : PIATS 2000, Tibetan studies, proceedings of the 9th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000. Brill's Tibetan Studies Library, Volume 2/4 (illustrated ed.). BRILL. p. 105. ISBN 9004124233. http://books.google.com/books?id=MJ-dCe_MppgC&pg=PA105&dq=297+An+off-color+version+of+this+story+also+circulates.+One+of+Pangda's+mule+herders+was+caught+relieving+his+bowels+on+the+side+of+the+road+in+Kalimpong,+and+upon+being+scolded,+responded,+%22The+earth+is+Pangda's&hl=en&sa=X&ei=Pcv7TsvWJuTs0gH_4NmTAg&ved=0CDAQ6AEwAA#. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "297 An off-color version of this story also circulates. One of Pangda's mule herders was caught relieving his bowels on the side of the road in Kalimpong, and upon being scolded, responded, "The earth is Pangda's, the sky is Pangda's. If I don't shit here, where am I supposed to shit?" (sa spang mda' gnam spang mda' skyag pa 'di ru ma btang na ga par gtong dgos red ). Most versions of the story that I was told included only the first phrase, whether the second phrase was edited out for me or added to the original by others for comic effect, I do not know. 298 Khampa family names often affix tshang, romanized as "tsang," to them. Tshang literally means "nest," but "Pangdatsang" may be translated as "House of Pangda." In Lhasa, the word gzim shag, an honorific for house, was used instead of tshang" 
  2. ^ Lawrence Epstein, ed (2002). Khams pa histories: visions of people, place and authority : PIATS 2000, Tibetan studies, proceedings of the 9th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000. Brill's Tibetan Studies Library, Volume 2/4 (illustrated ed.). BRILL. p. 105. ISBN 9004124233. http://books.google.com/books?id=MJ-dCe_MppgC&pg=PA105&lpg=PA105&dq=rapga+tibetn+party&source=bl&ots=G-8HNk6Dkv&sig=j8O4Wy2qkRcd8uhVUo7zlfuWpKY&hl=en&ei=MPDGTaraAcatgQe0qI3MBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CDIQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "296 Sa spang mda' gnam spang mda'. "The earth is Pangda's, the sky is Pangda's." I first heard this phrase from one of Pangda's former mule herders. Since then numerous Tibetans have quoted it to me, often telling me stories of how Pangda's servants would invoke it when committing an offense, saying, "I am connected to Pangda, what are you going to do to me?"297 This insolence was possible only through the power of the Pangdatsang family , one that rose seemingly from nowhere to great power, and which in the span of two generations became one of the wealthiest — if not the wealthiest — families in all of Tibet. From Kham, the family was wildly successful in Lhasa. The story of its members ranges back arid forth between India, China, Kham, and Lhasa, covering ground ranging from the Tibetan economy and trade to politics both lay and monastic, from relations with Nationalist China and British India to intrigues of all sorts of shapes and sizes. In this article I draw on an eclectic array of oral and written sources to present less well-known aspects of the family. Thus, instead of bringing new material to bear on the 1934 Pangda rebellion in Kham or Rapga's Tibet Improvement Party in 1940s Kalimpong, I focus on Nyigyal, the family patriarch, and his shepherding of the family in their rise to national prominence. Lightning Strikes: The Making of the Pangdatsang Family Our story begins in Chamdo. The rise of the Pangdatsang family from local power to regional power, and then to national power took place in a relatively short span of time and under two different names — Pangdatsang and Pomdatsang. In the mid-nineteenth century, the Pomdatsang (Spom mda' tshang) family,298 based in a Sakya 96 Interview," 
  3. ^ Original from the University of Michigan George Neilson Patterson (1990). Requiem for Tibet (illustrated ed.). Aurum Press. p. 26. ISBN 1854101110. http://books.google.com/books?ei=rI_FTf3ZCMb00gHkt8WkCA&ct=result&id=bU9xAAAAMAAJ&dq=Rapga+refused+point-blank+to+collect+information%2C+or+to+list+numbers+of+Chinese+soldiers+in+different+places%2C+or+to+write+articles+and+pamphlets+for+clandestine+distribition.+These+were+tasks+that+could+be+done+by+lesser+fry+who+might&q=Rapga. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "from the faction-ridden Lhasa Government. In Kham, the two ambitious brothers, Rapga and Topgyay Pandatshang, of the greatest trading family in central Asia, organized a force of several thousand Khambas from among various tribes and, in 1934, marched against the largest city in east Tibet, Chamdo, on their way to attack Lhasa. Rapga was the scholar and organizer but Topgyay was the fighter and leader." 
  4. ^ Melvyn C. Goldstein (1991). A history of modern Tibet, 1913-1951: the demise of the Lamaist state. Volume 1 of A History of Modern Tibet (reprint, illustrated ed.). University of California Press. p. 450. ISBN 0520075900. http://books.google.com/books?id=Upwq0I-wm7YC&pg=PA450&dq=rapga+chinese&hl=en&ei=WI_FTdqrJoiugQeJxvnKBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=4&ved=0CD4Q6AEwAw#v=onepage&q=rapga%20chinese&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "the form of the Tibet Improvement Party.81 Located mainly in the Indian border towns of Kalimpong and Darjeeling, this group sought not simply a change in regents, but the "liberation of Tibet from the existing tyrannical Government" and the revolutionary restructuring of the Tibetan government and society.82 The Tibet Improvement Party was founded and led by Pandatsang Rapga, a somewhat idealistic Khamba nationalist and intellectual. It included as its main members Canglocen Kung, Kumbela, and, less actively, the brilliant but dissolute monk, scholar, and rebel Gendiin Chömpel (see Figures 49 and 50). Rapga was the younger brother of Yambe, a well-known Lhasa government official from an economically separate branch of the Pandatsang family. About forty-five years old in 1945, Rapga had spent most of his life in Kham and had been involved when Pandatsang Tobgye, another brother, had launched his abortive nationalist revolt against the Lhasa government in 1934. Rapga was a devout believer in the political ideology of Sun Yat-Sen and had translated some of Sun's more important writings into Tibetan.83 Rapga wanted change to come to Tibet as it had come to China following the overthrow of the following the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty and was convinced that the present Tibetan government was hopelessly ill-suited for the modern world. He took the ideals and theories of the Kuomintang as models for Tibet and looked to the Kuomintang for help in creating an autonomous Tibetan Republic under the overall control of Republican China. Rapga had gone to India from Kahm in 1935, the year after the abortive Kham revolt, but he quickly returned to Chungking and entered the service of the Chinese government's Commission on Tibetan and Mongolian Affairs. He started the Tibet Improvement Party in Kalimpong in 1939, with Canglocen Kung and Kumbela.84 8 1 . The group used the name Tibet Improvement Party in its English materials, but the Tibetan (nub bod legs bats skyut sdug) is more accurately translated as Western Tibet Reform Party. The Chinese used on its letterheads translates even more strongly, as the Tibet Revolutionary Party. 82 . IOR, L/PS/ 1 2/42 1 1 , the "Concise Agreement of Tibet Improvement Party, Kalimpong." 83. Rapga translated, for example, Sun Yat-sen's "Three Rights of the People" ( in Tibetan: dangsum ring lugs). 84. IOR, L/PS/12/421 1, "Concise Agreement of Tibet Improvement Party, Kalimpong" 
  5. ^ Gray Tuttle (2007). Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (illustrated ed.). Columbia University Press. p. 152. ISBN 0231134479. http://books.google.com/books?id=KlOEi9C4T3QC&pg=PA152&dq=The+attempt+to+apply+SunYat-sen's+ideology+in+a+Tibetan+context+failed+precisely+because+those+who+supported+this+activity+were+not+at+the+center+of+elite+Tibetan+religious+culture.+Revolutionary+Tibetans+realized+and+were+often+frustrated+by+this+problem.100+In+a+sense+they+were+trying+to+change+Tibet+from+the+outside,+through+secular+means+.+Despite+this+failure,+from+Stoddard's+interviews,+we+learn+that+even+in+1975+Rapga+still+held+to+his+beliefs+that+Sun's+theories+were+valuable:+The+San+min+zhuyi+was+intended+for+all+peoples+under+the+domination+of+foreigners,+for+all+those+who+had+been+deprived+of+the+rights+of+man.+But+it+was+conceived+especially+for+the+Asians.+It+is+for+this+reason+that+I+translated+it.+At+that+time,+a+lot+of+new+ideas+were+spreading+in+Tibet.%22%22+If+the+Panchen+Lama+had+been+willing+to+personally+and+publicly+support+these+early+efforts+at+seeking+local+Tibetan+autonomy+(in+particular+among+Chinese+Buddhists+and+the+media+that+followed+his+ritual+activities),+might+the+movement&hl=en&sa=X&ei=NLn7Tu38JefV0QHe_PjAAg&ved=0CDEQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=The%20attempt%20to%20apply%20SunYat-sen's%20ideology%20in%20a%20Tibetan%20context%20failed%20precisely%20because%20those%20who%20supported%20this%20activity%20were%20not%20at%20the%20center%20of%20elite%20Tibetan%20religious%20culture.%20Revolutionary%20Tibetans%20realized%20and%20were%20often%20frustrated%20by%20this%20problem.100%20In%20a%20sense%20they%20were%20trying%20to%20change%20Tibet%20from%20the%20outside%2C%20through%20secular%20means%20.%20Despite%20this%20failure%2C%20from%20Stoddard's%20interviews%2C%20we%20learn%20that%20even%20in%201975%20Rapga%20still%20held%20to%20his%20beliefs%20that%20Sun's%20theories%20were%20valuable%3A%20The%20San%20min%20zhuyi%20was%20intended%20for%20all%20peoples%20under%20the%20domination%20of%20foreigners%2C%20for%20all%20those%20who%20had%20been%20deprived%20of%20the%20rights%20of%20man.%20But%20it%20was%20conceived%20especially%20for%20the%20Asians.%20It%20is%20for%20this%20rea. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "The attempt to apply Sun Yat-sen's ideology in a Tibetan context failed precisely because those who supported this activity were not at the center of elite Tibetan religious culture. Revolutionary Tibetans realized and were often frustrated by this problem.100 In a sense they were trying to change Tibet from the outside, through secular means . Despite this failure, from Stoddard's interviews, we learn that even in 1975 Rapga still held to his beliefs that Sun's theories were valuable: The San min zhuyi was intended for all peoples under the domination of foreigners, for all those who had been deprived of the rights of man. But it was conceived especially for the Asians. It is for this reason that I translated it. At that time, a lot of new ideas were spreading in Tibet."" If the Panchen Lama had been willing to personally and publicly support these early efforts at seeking local Tibetan autonomy (in particular among Chinese Buddhists and the media that followed his ritual activities), might the movement" 
  6. ^ Original from the University of Michigan George Neilson Patterson (1990). Requiem for Tibet (illustrated ed.). Aurum Press. p. 70. ISBN 1854101110. http://books.google.com/books?ei=rI_FTf3ZCMb00gHkt8WkCA&ct=result&id=bU9xAAAAMAAJ&dq=Rapga+refused+point-blank+to+collect+information%2C+or+to+list+numbers+of+Chinese+soldiers+in+different+places%2C+or+to+write+articles+and+pamphlets+for+clandestine+distribition.+These+were+tasks+that+could+be+done+by+lesser+fry+who+might&q=Rapga. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "Assam. He and Rapga had considered it in 1935, but had ruled it out because of the uncertainty about getting through. However, he did have a soldier who completed it five years before, travelling on foot, and Topgyay now sent for him. Meanwhile, we discussed other possibilities, but ended up preferring the Zayul route. When the soldier, Tsering Dorje, arrived he was questioned by all of us in great detail." 
  7. ^ Original from the University of Michigan George Neilson Patterson (1990). Requiem for Tibet (illustrated ed.). Aurum Press. ISBN 1854101110. http://books.google.com/books?ei=rI_FTf3ZCMb00gHkt8WkCA&ct=result&id=bU9xAAAAMAAJ&dq=Rapga+refused+point-blank+to+collect+information%2C+or+to+list+numbers+of+Chinese+soldiers+in+different+places%2C+or+to+write+articles+and+pamphlets+for+clandestine+distribition.+These+were+tasks+that+could+be+done+by+lesser+fry+who+might&q=Rapga. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "Rapga refused point-blank to collect information, or to list numbers of Chinese soldiers in different places, or to write articles and pamphlets for clandestine distribition. These were tasks that could be done by lesser fry who might" 
  8. ^ John Kenneth Knaus (2000). Orphans of the Cold War America and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival (illustrated ed.). PublicAffairs. p. 71. ISBN 1891620851. http://books.google.com/books?id=FwaJCAU8mr8C&pg=PA71&dq=rapga+chinese&hl=en&ei=WI_FTdqrJoiugQeJxvnKBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CEcQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=rapga%20chinese&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "Before the Chinese arrived, Rapga of the ubiquitous Pandatsang family had spent a few days in Chamdo in consultations with the governor. He slipped back across the river to the mountain stronghold where he and his brother Topgay waited. Ford, who continued to operate the radio and thus maintain Chamdo's only link to Lhasa, said it was generally believed that Rapga had gone to parley with the Chinese on behalf of the governor to delay the attack.4 If that was his mission, he was unsuccessful, but he and Topgay continued their ambiguous roles as resident middlemen in that area for the next several years. The Khampa clans on the other side of the river were yet to make common cause with their kinsmen, and they generally waited out the battle for Chamdo except for a few whom the Chinese had persuaded to join what would clearly be the winning side. . . The battle for Chamdo and the defense of Tibet was pitifully unequal but mercifully short . . .Some local Khampas, who had been recruited to augment the defense, turned to marauding when abandoned by the retreating governor. It was all over in less than two weeks." 
  9. ^ John W. Garver (1997). The Sino-American alliance: Nationalist China and American Cold War strategy in Asia (illustrated ed.). M.E. Sharpe. p. 172. ISBN 0765600536. http://books.google.com/books?id=SDqjW8G5H4cC&pg=PA170&dq=rapga+chinese&hl=en&ei=WI_FTdqrJoiugQeJxvnKBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8&ved=0CE8Q6AEwBw#v=snippet&q=pakistani%20officers%20punjabi&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "Out-of-country military training was provided for Tibetan fighters. . .There they were given compasses and told to walk toward East Pakistan, a few hours walk away. At the Pakistani border they were met by a Chinese-speaking American, two Pakistani officers, and a Tibetan interpreter. They were given Punjabi pajamas and turbans, and told to walk to Dacca. There they were put on an airplane for a five-four flight to Taiwan." 
  10. ^ John W. Garver (1997). The Sino-American alliance: Nationalist China and American Cold War strategy in Asia (illustrated ed.). M.E. Sharpe. p. 172. ISBN 0765600536. http://books.google.com/books?id=SDqjW8G5H4cC&pg=PA170&dq=rapga+chinese&hl=en&ei=WI_FTdqrJoiugQeJxvnKBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8&ved=0CE8Q6AEwBw#v=snippet&q=pakistani%20officers%20punjabi&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "Out-of-country military training was provided for Tibetan fighters. . .There they were given compasses and told to walk toward East Pakistan, a few hours walk away. At the Pakistani border they were met by a Chinese-speaking American, two Pakistani officers, and a Tibetan interpreter. They were given Punjabi pajamas and turbans, and told to walk to Dacca. There they were put on an airplane for a five-four flight to Taiwan." 
  11. ^ John W. Garver (1997). The Sino-American alliance: Nationalist China and American Cold War strategy in Asia (illustrated ed.). M.E. Sharpe. p. 170. ISBN 0765600536. http://books.google.com/books?id=SDqjW8G5H4cC&pg=PA170&dq=rapga+chinese&hl=en&ei=WI_FTdqrJoiugQeJxvnKBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8&ved=0CE8Q6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=rapga%20chinese&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "In March 1955, the Khamban leader Rapga Pangdatshang arrived in Kalimpong, seeking broad foreign support for a large-scale Tibetan war against China. Following the collapse of his 1950 bid for foreign support Rapga Pangdatshang had served as amajor figure in the local Xikang government under CCP authority. Clandestinely, however, he had worked with other Khamban and Amdoan leaders to build an anti-Chinese network and to restrain local anti-Chinese rebellions until the ground could be laid for a unified rising against Chinese authority. By 1955, this network counted 100,000 armed men prepared for revolt, or so Pangdatshang claimed. Chinese authorities had consented to Pangdatshang's 1955 visit to India as a quid pro quo for his agreeing to serve on the Political Consultative Committee, which was being set up by Beijing.10" 
  12. ^ John W. Garver (1997). The Sino-American alliance: Nationalist China and American Cold War strategy in Asia (illustrated ed.). M.E. Sharpe. p. 171. ISBN 0765600536. http://books.google.com/books?id=SDqjW8G5H4cC&pg=PA170&dq=rapga+chinese&hl=en&ei=WI_FTdqrJoiugQeJxvnKBA&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8&ved=0CE8Q6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=pangdatshang%20overthrowing%20feudal%20collaborationist%20government&f=false. Retrieved 12-27-2011. "The political objective of the revolution was to be the overthrowing of the feudal-collaborationaist government of Tibet and the establishment of a new, progressive government. The movement's program was not to be of simple anti-Communism or anti-Chinese sentiment; instead, it was to be pro-land reform, and it called for an end to forced labor and deportations from Tibet, along with an end to the coerced sale of products. In addition, the Tibetan people were to be involved in the administration of the new, revolutionary government . . .This discussion of UN recognition of an independent Tibetan state forshadowed later U.S.-R.O.C. disagreements over the political orientation of the Tibetan insurgency."